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Mississippi 2016 - zgodovina

Mississippi 2016 - zgodovina


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Zloglasno spletno mesto za linčovanje, ki še vedno stoji v Mississippiju

Junija 1966 je črni delavec za državljanske pravice v okrožju Clarke v Mississippiju na lokalni avtobusni postaji spoznal svežega novaka. Naložil je Johna Cumblerja, belega študenta iz Wisconsina, in ga odpeljal na vožnjo. Peljal se je proti jugu proti Shubuti, manjšemu sedemsto mestecu, ki se nahaja na južnem koncu okrožja. Severno od mesta je John Otis Sumrall zavil levo na makadamsko cesto. Nabito z lužami je pot tekla mimo nekaj gruč kabin, preden se je zožila v gosto gozdnat hodnik. Zdelo se je kot pot nikamor ali pa vsaj nikamor ne bi želeli iti. Razcep na cesti je razkril reko Chickasawhay in zarjavel most.

Razpon z jeklenim okvirjem se je dvignil trideset metrov nad blatno vodo. Na skrajnem koncu stometrske palube je gozd pogoltnil makadamsko cesto, ki je nekam vodila. Večletni promet, ki je švignil po mostu, je na palubi iztrošil vzporedne črte, težke tekaške deske pa so prekrile luknje v gnilih deskah. Kovinske tirnice so na mestih popustile. Kljub temu so rdečkasto rjavi nosilci na obeh straneh stali trdi in ravni, nosilci nad glavo pa so na palubo spodaj zakrivali sence. Na tem zarjavelem okvirju med črtami navpičnih zakov je nekdo naslikal lobanjo in križne kosti ter začrkal: & ldquoDanger, This Is You. & Rdquo

& ldquoTo, & rdquo Sumrall je napovedal Cumblerju, njegovemu novemu novaku, & ldquois, kjer obesijo črnce. & rdquo

& ldquoTako je rekel, & rdquo se je spomnil Cumbler, & ldquoit bi se lahko zgodilo pred sto leti ali prejšnji teden. & rdquo

Viseči most je zdaj zaprt za promet. Leta 1918, pred skoraj stoletjem in le pet tednov po dnevu premirja, je bela rulja obesila štiri mlade črnce & mdashtwo brata in dve sestri, obe noseči & mdash s svojih tirnic. To je bilo nekaj dni potem, ko je njihov beli šef umrl. & ldquoLjudje pravijo, da so šli tja dol pogledat trupla, & rdquo petdeset let kasneje se je spomnila domačinka, & ldquoin še vedno glej ti dojenčki, ki so se gibali po trebuhu, potem ko so te matere umrle. & rdquo Ko je Nacionalno združenje za napredek barvnih ljudi (NAACP) & mdashan takrat stara manj kot deset let & mdash zahtevalo preiskavo, jim je guverner Mississippija Theodore Bilbo rekel, naj gredo k pekel.

Štiriindvajset let pozneje so beli stražarji obesili Ernesta Greena in Charlieja Langa štiriindvajset oziroma petnajst let po tem, ko jih je belo dekle obtožilo poskusa posilstva. Časopisi po vsej državi so objavljali fotografije dveh fantovskih trupel in istega rečnega mostu. & ldquoShubuta Bridge & rsquos Cestnine pri šestih žrtvah Lyncha, & rdquo Chicago Defender napovedano. & ldquoNeka številka je postavljena na osem, & rdquo se je nadaljeval ugledni črni časopis, & ldquo število dveh nerojenih otrok. & rdquo Po zadnjem grozodejstvu Branilec poslal črnega novinarja v narodno novo linč glavno mesto. V Meridianu, majhnem mestu štirideset kilometrov severno, je tajni poročevalec prosil črnega taksista, naj se odpelje do Shubute. & ldquoNe gospod, & rdquo je odgovorila taksistka. & ldquoI & rsquod čim prej pojdi v pekel, da greš tja. & rdquo

Lokalni belci so se izkazali prav tako topi. Beli tajni preiskovalec, poslan novembra 1942 v okrožje Clarke, se je pogovarjal z lokalnim kmetom, ki se je hvalil z najbolj razvpito znamenitostjo svojega mesta. & ldquoTi & rsquos se ne uporablja več kot most, & rdquo se je pohvalil. & ldquoSamo ga hranimo za nizanje [n ***** s]. & rdquo Beli so morali občasno & ldquomob & rdquo črnce, je pojasnil, da jih držijo v vrsti. & ldquoTa primer smo imeli tu pred kratkim, & rdquo je dodal, & ldquotwo štirinajstletni fantje …. V zadnji vojni smo dali štiri. & rdquo

Od razcveta Jima Crow & rsquosa do prvih namigov o njegovem propadu je most Shubuta metel svojo senco na beli nadvladujoči režim Mississippi & rsquos in gibanje, ki ga je na koncu strmoglavilo. V dobi prve svetovne vojne so ob tridesetletni kampanji za odvzem pravice do ločitve in ločevanje Afroamerikancev po vsej južni strani nasilniki uporabili brutalno nasilje, da bi odvrnili izzive nadvlade belcev. Generacijo kasneje, med drugo svetovno vojno, so se belci spet zanašali na rasni terorizem, da bi podprli ukaz, za katerega so trdili, da je bil napadan brez primere. V obeh teh prelomnih trenutkih sta se nacionalna pozornost in protestna politika spopadli na samotnem rečnem mostu, kjer se je vseprisotno nasilje juga dvajsetega stoletja močno in zgovorno dvignilo na površje.

Most se je ponašal z zgodovino, tako grozljivo kot katero koli mesto linča v Ameriki, vendar je njegova simbolična moč presegla grozodejstva, ki so se tam zgodila. Medtem ko so lokalni belci poudarili njeno koristnost pri krepitvi prevlade belih, so zagovorniki državljanskih pravic prepoznali njegov potencial za spodbujanje protestov. Po linčiranju leta 1942 je črni novinar most označil z & ldquomonument & lsquoJudge Lynch. & Rsquo & rdquo & ldquorickety old span, & rdquo Walter Atkins je trdil, & ldquois je simbol juga, enako kot cvetovi magnolije ali mimo rimske jule kot tudi mite in legende, ki jih je navdihnil, je most okrepil nadzor nad belimi in odvrnil odpor črncev. Zgradba ni bila le spomenik, ampak tudi & ldquoaltar & rdquo beli nadvladi, kot je rekel novinar, mesto & ldquoto kot žrtvovanje & rdquo vsakomur, ki je ogrozil to moč. Reka pod mostom je tekla nežno, vendar je Atkins napovedal & ldquo dolgo zamudno poplavo, ki bo razbila in odnesla most Shubuta in vse, kar predstavlja. & Rdquo

Generacijo po linčih leta 1942 je ta poplava končno prizadela. Delavci za državljanske pravice, zvezni agenti in televizijski poročevalci so sredi 60-ih let prišli v državo, čeprav naraščajoča plima protestov in pohodov ni dosegla povsod. Kljub množičnim demonstracijam v bližnjih krajih, kot sta Meridian in Hattiesburg, se je okrožje Clarke zdelo visoko in suho. Čeprav so lokalni aktivisti in zavezniki po vsej državi izpodbijali segregacijo in odvzemanje pravic, je Viseči most še vedno ostal kot opomnik na preteklost in nasilni potencial Jim Crow & rsquos. Nekaj ​​delavcev za državljanske pravice je stopilo v okrožje Clarke. Gibanje Mississippi & rsquos High-Water Mark & ​​mdash1964 & rsquos Freedom Summer & mdash je prišlo brez šol svobode in brez pohodov v Shubuti, le peščica črnih prebivalcev okrožja in rsquosa se je prijavila za glasovanje.

Domačini so imeli pripravljen odgovor za vse, ki so se spraševali, zakaj jih je gibanje mimo. Starci po okrožju so še vedno govorili o brezdni & ldquoblue luknji & rdquo v zimski reki Chickasawhay, kjer so belci odlagali črna telesa. Precej več je omenjal most, ki je obsegal motno vodo. Miti so lahko prav tako blatni, podrobnosti so odvisne od pripovedovalca zgodb. Kljub temu, da so bili dogodki mitologizirani, je ostala temeljna resnica. & ldquoDown v okrožju Clarke, & rdquo se je spomnil vodja gibanja Meridian, & ldquothey je linčoval toliko črncev. & rdquo Beli severni novinar, ki je obiskal po linču leta 1942, je napovedal, da bo impulz mafije težko umrl. & ldquo Duh linča pomeni več kot zakon mafije, & rdquo je opozoril. & ldquoTo pomeni nezmožnost toliko belih Južnjakov, da držijo pesti, palice ali puške v žepu, ko se obarvan zavzema za svoje zakonske pravice. & rdquo

Ko so temnopolti aktivisti v okrožju Clarke kljubovali mafiji in spominu v iskanju politične moči in gospodarskih priložnosti, so izzvali nov krog nasilnih povračilnih ukrepov. Pri tem so zunanjo pozornost namenili težavam, ki so ostale prisotne po naraščajočih govorih in zakonodajnih zmagah v dobi državljanskih pravic. V tem podeželskem kotičku Mississippija, ki je bil prej znan po linčih, so ti aktivisti uporabili ta zloglasni ugled, da so nacionalno pozornost usmerili v tekoče bitke proti rasnemu terorizmu, hudi revščini in vladni represiji. Njihova zgodba sega v generacije, ko se je zdelo, da je podeželski jug skoraj odrezan od nacionalnih kampanj proti diskriminaciji in zlorabam, vendar pa se v množičnem aktivizmu v okrožju Clarke zgodba razširi tudi v šestdeseta leta in pozneje. Rasno nasilje & mdashboth v izbruhih divjaštva, ki so potresali daleč onkraj meja Mississippija & rsquos, in v vsakdanjih brutalnostih, ki so preživele in preživele Jim Crow & mdash, povezujejo generacije in geografije stoletja ameriških državljanskih pravic. Z vračanjem teh zgodb premostimo vrzel med seboj in preteklostjo, ki je manj oddaljena, kot si marsikdo želi priznati. Priznavanje vloge nasilja pri oblikovanju naše rasne preteklosti ni zagotovilo, da se lahko iskreno soočimo z načini, na katere obvešča o naši rasni sedanjosti, vendar je to kraj za začetek. V zgodovini linča, mesto Pogosto je težko z natančnostjo odstraniti drevesa, ki so že zdavnaj posekana, in ubijajo polja, ki jih je povzela narava, reke in zalive, ki skrivajo mrtve. Pa vendar eno izmed najbolj vznemirljivih in krvavih mest linča America & rsquos še vedno obsega blatno reko in še vedno meče senco.


Mississippi program akademskega ocenjevanja (MAAP)

Mississippi program akademskega ocenjevanja (MAAP) je zasnovan za merjenje dosežkov študentov v umetnosti angleškega jezika (ELA), matematiki, znanosti in zgodovini ZDA. Učenci se ocenjujejo od 3. do 8. razreda iz umetnosti angleškega jezika (ELA) in matematike, od 5. do 8. razreda naravoslovja, algebre I, biologije I, angleščine II in zgodovine ZDA. Rezultati vseh ocen MAAP zagotavljajo informacije, ki jih je treba uporabiti za izboljšanje učnih dosežkov.

Ocene ELA in Math temeljijo na 2016 Standardi pripravljenosti na fakulteto in poklicno pripravljenost v Mississippiju. Ocene znanosti temeljijo na Znanstveni okvir Mississippi 2010 ki je v zadnjem letu. Od leta 2018-2019 bodo vse ocene znanosti temeljile na 2018 Mississippi College- Standardi pripravljenosti za znanost. Od leta 2019-2020 bo ocena zgodovine ZDA temeljila na 2018 Standardi pripravljenosti na višjo šolo in poklicno pripravljenost v družboslovju Mississippi.

Standardi za ocenjevanje so na zavihku Dokumenti.


Zgodovina

V devetih letih je Mississippi Bowl od ideje prešel v resničnost do enega izmed premiernih dogodkov NJCAA po sezoni. Tu je pogled na pretekle sklede Mississippija:

MISSISSIPPI BOWL X, DEC. 3. 2017

1. vzhodni Mississippi je na spominskem stadionu A.L. May v Perkinstonu premagal drugo mesto Arizone Western s 31-28. Lindsey Scott Jr. je bil za EMCC imenovan za ofenzivnega najboljšega igralca.

MISSISSIPPI LOWL IX, DEC. 4. 2016

3. vzhodni Mississippi je na spominskem stadionu A.L. May v Perkinstonu premagal 13. mesto Kilgore s 27: 17. Lions so prekinili izid 14-14 in osvojili četrti Mississippi Bowl.

MISSISSIPPI BOWL VIII, DEC. 6. 2015 (tekma državnega prvenstva NJCAA)

Št. 1 Northwest Mississippi Community College se je razkril s številko 2 Rochester, da je zmagal 66-13 in osvojil prvenstvo NJCAA. Rangersi so na poti do tretjega državnega naslova zbrali 680 jardov skupnega prekrška.

MISSISSIPPI BOWL VII, DEC. 7. 2014 (tekma državnega prvenstva NJCAA)

Št. 1 East Mississippi Community College je naredil več kot 500 jardov skupnega prekrška in prisilil pet obratov št. 2 Iowe Western, da je zmagal 34-17 in drugo leto zapored odnesel prvenstvo NJCAA.

MISSISSIPPI BOWL VI, DEC. 7. 2013 (tekma državnega prvenstva NJCAA)

Na meglenem, deževnem dnevu v mestu Biloxi je #2 East Mississippi Community College premagal 21 kazni in si prizadeval Georgia Military, da bi zmagal na Mississippi Bowl VI 52-32 in osvojil prvenstvo NJCAA 2013.

MISSISSIPPI BOWL V, DEC. 2. 2012

Tyler Peterson iz Garden Cityja, ki se je odpravil v Mississippi Bowl V, je bil leta 2012 le eden od treh pri golih na terenu. Vendar pa je brucoš iz Broncbusterja naredil svoj peti poskus v sezoni, ko se je s štirimi sekundami povezal na 32-metrski gol. dvigniti Garden City (KS) mimo 7. mesta Co-Lin 31-29 na peti letni prireditvi.

MISSISSIPPI BOWL IV, DEC. 4. 2011

V spopadu med dvema izmed desetih najboljših moštev NJCAA je Mississippi Gulf Coast Community College uporabil svojo patentirano tekaško igro, da je prestopil mimo Blinna 46-17 in tretjič v zadnjih štirih sezonah zmagal na Mississippi Bowlu. Bulldogs št. 9 (10-2) je proti številkam 5 Buccaneers (9-2) dosegel 39 neodgovorjenih točk, s čimer je tečaj sredi druge četrtine spremenil v pihanje.

MISSISSIPPI BOWL III, DEC. 5. 2010

Pravijo: "Napad prodaja vstopnice, obramba pa zmaga na prvenstvih." Kljub dejstvu, da je Mississippi Bowl leta 2010 imel 115 točk in več kot tisoč jardov prekrška, sta dve veliki obrambni igri na odseku pripomogli k temu, da je 7. šola Mississippi Gulf Coast Community College presegla 3. številko Grand Rapids Community College 62-53 pred 3.100 navijači na indijskem stadionu Biloxi. Zmaga Bulldogov (10-2) je druga v treh letih na Mississippi Bowlu.

MISSISSIPPI BOWL II, DEC. 6. 2009

Kljub vsemu hrupu o močnem napadnem napadu št. 6 East Mississippi Community College je bila obramba Lion tista, ki je ukradla predstavo na drugem letnem Mississippi Bowlu. Dva pozna prestrezanja Izauee Lanier in T.J. Ballou je ustavil morebitne shode pri številki 5 Arizona Western, saj je vzhodni Mississippi zadrževal Matadorje s 27-24 in tako povečal svoj rekord na 11-1.

MISSISSIPPI BOWL I, DEC. 7. 2008

V tem pasjem boju je ena skupina buldogov lajala, medtem ko je druga skupina buldogov imela veliko ugriza. Št. 7 Mississippi Gulf Coast Community College je igral kot kandidat za naslov v prilepitvi 41-7 vojaškega kolidža Georgia 3 na prvem krogu Mississippija pred približno 5000 gledalci.


Vsebina

Mississippi je svojo prvo kazensko določbo o sodomiji sprejel leta 1839, ki je bila opredeljena s splošnim pravom. Zakon je za analni seks (homoseksualni in heteroseksualen) predpisal kazen do deset let zapora. Veljalo je tudi za zasebno sporazumno dejavnost. Leta 1937 je vrhovno sodišče v Mississippiju v prvem sodomskem sodnem postopku v državi Država proti Hillu, da kunilingus ni bil "zločin proti naravi" in torej ni kazniv. Leta 1942 je zakonodajno telo Mississippija dovolilo ponovno preoblikovanje državnega prava s tem pooblastilom, dodeljenim generalnemu državnemu tožilcu. Generalni državni tožilec je naslov sodomskega zakona spremenil iz "zločina proti naravi" v "nenaraven spolni odnos". Zaradi te spremembe je vrhovno sodišče v Mississippiju leta 1955 odločilo leta State proti Davisu da bi se lahko preganjali tudi primeri fellatio (oralnega seksa). [2]

Vrhovno sodišče v Mississippiju je prvič potrdilo zakon o sodomiji dvakrat kot ustavno Država proti Maysu leta 1976 in nato leta 1994 v Miller proti državi. Leta 1995 je država sprejela "zakon o registraciji spolnih prestopnikov", ki od obsojenih po zakonu o sodomiji zahteva, da svoj naslov registrirajo pri šerifu in obvestijo o vsaki spremembi naslova. Poleg tega je bilo po zakonu iz leta 1987 delodajalcem dovoljeno vprašati generalnega državnega tožilca, ali je potencialni delavec storil spolni prestop, vključno s sporazumno sodomijo. [2]

Istospolna spolna dejavnost je v Mississippiju zakonita od leta 2003, ko je vrhovno sodišče Združenih držav razveljavilo vse državne zakone o sodomiji v primeru Lawrence proti Teksasu. [3]

24. avgusta 1996 je guverner Kirk Fordice izdal izvršni ukaz, ki prepoveduje istospolne poroke v državi. [4] Zakon, ki prepoveduje istospolne poroke, je začel veljati 12. februarja 1997. [5] 4. novembra 2004 so volivci sprejeli ustavno spremembo, ki je poroko opredelila kot zvezo enega moškega in ene ženske. [6]

25. novembra 2014 je Carlton W. Reeves, okrožni sodnik okrožnega sodišča ZDA za južno okrožje Mississippi, odločil, da je prepoved istospolnih porok Mississippija neustavna, vendar je izvršbo svoje sodbe zadržal do 9. decembra. [7] decembra 4 je pritožbeno sodišče petega okrožnega sodišča izdalo odločbo o zadržanju do pritožbe. [8]

29. junija 2015 je po sodbi vrhovnega sodišča ZDA 26. junija v Obergefell proti Hodgesu, Generalni državni tožilec Jim Hood je uradnike državnega okrožja obvestil, da lahko istospolnim parom izdajo dovoljenja za poroko in da bi zavrnitev tega lahko povzročila tožbe tistih, ki jim je bilo dovoljenje zavrnjeno. [9]

Mississippi je moral priznati pravice do posvojitve istospolnih parov, saj je zvezno sodišče marca 2016 razveljavilo zakonsko prepoved istospolnih parov, ki skupaj posvajajo otroke. Spodaj podrobno opisuje zgodovino tega procesa.

Mississippi je vedno dovoljeval posvojitev neporočene odrasle osebe ne glede na spolno usmerjenost. Pari istega spola niso mogli posvojiti skupaj zaradi tega, ker je država leta 2000 sprejela zakon o prepovedi posvojitve in rejitve istospolnih parov. Do leta 2015 je bila Mississippi edina država, ki je še naprej uveljavljala takšno prepoved. [10] [11]

Februarja 2013 je Ronnie Musgrove, ki je kot guverner leta 2000 podpisal prepoved, opisal, kako so se njegovi pogledi spremenili in da je zakon "neomejenemu številu otrok otežil odraščanje v srečnih, zdravih domovih v Mississippiju - in da mi zlomi srce ". [12] 12. avgusta 2015 so Kampanja za enakost na jugu, Svet za enakost družin in štirje istospolni pari iz Mississippija na zveznem sodišču vložili tožbo za izpodbijanje te prepovedi. V njihovi pritožbi je bilo ugotovljeno, da je od leta 2014 29% gospodinjstev v Mississippiju, ki jih vodi istospolni par, vključevalo otroke, mlajše od 18 let, kar je najvišji odstotek v kateri koli ameriški zvezni državi. [11]

Okrožni sodnik ZDA Daniel Porter Jordan III je 31. marca 2016 izdal predhodno odredbo, s katero je razveljavil prepoved Mississippija pri posvojitvah istospolnih parov in jo razglasil za protiustavno. Tiskovna predstavnica državnega državnega tožilca se je na sodbo odzvala z izjavo: "Spoštujemo analizo zakona na okrožnem sodišču in se bomo z ministrstvom za socialne zadeve posvetovali, kakšne možnosti je treba sprejeti v prihodnje." Kakršna koli pritožba ni bila uspešna. S sodbo je bil Mississippi zadnja država v ZDA, ki je istospolnim parom omogočila posvojitev. [13] [14] [15] Prepoved je bila uradno razglašena za mrtvo 2. maja 2016 po preteku roka ob polnoči, da se uradniki Mississippija pritožijo na sodbo sodišča. Ena od tožnic, Susan Hrostowski, skupaj z ženo Kathryn Garner je dejala: "Čakala sem 16 let, da bom lahko posvojila svojega sina, zato sem zaradi tega presrečna." [16] [17]

Lezbični pari imajo dostop do oploditve in vitro. Državno pravo priznava negenetsko mater, ki ni noseča, kot zakonitega starša otroku, rojenem z oploditvijo darovalca, vendar le, če sta starša poročena. [18] Nadomestno materinstvo v Mississippiju ni izrecno prepovedano niti dovoljeno. Sodišča pa so na splošno ugodna za nadomestno materinstvo, vendar lahko zahtevajo, da se par poroči z vsaj enim partnerjem, ki je genetsko povezan z otrokom. Istospolni pari se pri uporabi gestacijskega ali tradicionalnega postopka nadomestnega materinstva obravnavajo na enak način kot pari nasprotnega spola. [19]

Statuti Mississippija ne obravnavajo diskriminacije na podlagi spolne identitete ali spolne usmerjenosti. [20]

Glavno mesto države Jackson in mesta Clarksdale, [21] Holly Springs [22] in Magnolia so odobrili odloke, ki prepovedujejo diskriminacijo na podlagi spolne usmerjenosti in spolne identitete v javnih in zasebnih zaposlitvah, stanovanjih in javnih prostorih. [23] [24] Poleg tega imajo Hattiesburg, Oxford in Starkville podobno zaščito, vendar samo za mestne uslužbence. [25] [26] [27]

Bostock proti okrožju Clayton Uredi

15. junija 2020 je vrhovno sodišče ZDA odločilo Bostock proti okrožju Clayton, konsolidirano s Altitude Express, Inc. proti Zardi, in R.G. & amp G.R. Harris Funeral Homes Inc. proti Komisiji za enake možnosti zaposlovanja da je diskriminacija na delovnem mestu na podlagi spolne usmerjenosti ali spolne identitete diskriminacija na podlagi spola, zato naslov VII ščiti zaposlene LGBT pred diskriminacijo. [28] [29] [30]

Verska svoboda Uredi

The Zakon o študentskih verskih svoboščinah Mississippija iz leta 2013 varuje poglede študentov v kateri koli izobraževalni ustanovi pred grajami zaradi njihovih verskih stališč.

The Zakon o obnovi verske svobode Mississippija ščiti vernike pred pravnimi posledicami, če ustno obsojajo "življenjski slog" ali "dejanja" LGBT oseb.

Sprejeto leta 2016, Zakon o nastanitvi verskih svoboščin ščiti prepričanja, da bi morala biti "poroka zveza enega moškega in ene ženske, spolni odnosi so ustrezno rezervirani za takšno poroko, moški in ženska pa se nanašata na posameznikov biološki spol, ki je objektivno določen z anatomijo in genetiko v času rojstva". [31] Kmalu po sprejetju zakona so številne države in mesta prepovedale javna potovanja v Mississippi. [32] [33] Predlog zakona naj bi začel veljati 1. julija 2016. 30. junija pa je sodnik okrožnega sodišča ZDA Carlton W. Reeves izdal predhodno odredbo, ki blokira zakon. [34] 23. junija 2017 je pritožbeno sodišče petega okrožnega sodišča odpravilo odredbo, ker tožniki v zadevi niso bili sposobni, kar je omogočilo začetek veljavnosti zakona.

Lokalne resolucije o nediskriminaciji Uredi

Naslednja mesta so sprejela resolucije v podporo LGBT skupnosti:

    18. februarja 2014 [35] 4. marca 2014 [36] 22. aprila 2014 [37] 29. aprila 2014 [38] 6. maja 2014 [39] 21. maja 2014 [40] junija 3. 2014 [41] 19. aprila 2016 [42] [43]

Starkville je podobno resolucijo sprejel januarja 2014. 6. januarja 2015 pa je mestni svet Starkville glasoval s 5 proti za razveljavitev resolucije o enakosti. [44] [45] 8. januarja 2015 je župan Parker Wiseman vložil veto na ukrep [46], 21. januarja 2015 pa je mestni svet glasoval s 5 proti, da se razveljavi Wisemanov veto in razveljavi resolucija o enakosti. [47]

Transseksualci v Mississippiju lahko v svojih osebnih dokumentih spremenijo oznako spola. Vitalni zapisi Mississippija bodo ob prejemu potrjenega sodnega naloga, zdravniške izjave, ki potrjuje spolno disforijo, in plačilu zahtevane pristojbine, izdali spremenjeni rojstni list s popravljenim oznako spola. Operacija za spremembo spola ali drugi medicinski posegi niso potrebni. Oddelek za javno varnost bo po prejemu dokumentov, ki dokazujejo spremembo spola, na primer sodnega naloga ali spremenjenega rojstnega lista, izdal posodobljeno vozniško dovoljenje. [48]

Prepoved športa Edit

Februarja in marca 2021 je zakonodajno telo Mississippija sprejelo zakon (znan kot SB 2536) z glasovi 34 proti 9 v senatu in 81 proti 28 v parlamentu za prepoved transseksualnim posameznikom, da sodelujejo v atletskih športih ali na olimpijskih dogodkih, ki so povezani z njihovo spolno identiteto. V skladu z zakonom mora vsak športnik, kateremu spolu nekdo oporeka, predložiti podpisano izjavo zdravnika, ki potrjuje njihove genitalije, DNK in raven hormonov. [49] [50] [51] [52] [53] [54] Guvernerka Tate Reeves je zakon podpisala 11. marca, predvidoma pa bo začel veljati 1. julija. [55] [56] [57]

Državno pravo ne obravnava zločinov iz sovraštva na podlagi spolne identitete ali spolne usmerjenosti. [58] Vendar zvezni zakon zajema obe kategoriji od leta 2009, ko je bil Matthew Shepard in James Byrd Jr. Zakon o preprečevanju zločinov iz sovraštva ga je podpisal predsednik Barack Obama. Zločine iz sovraštva, storjene na podlagi spolne usmerjenosti ali spolne identitete žrtve, je zato mogoče preganjati na zveznem sodišču.

Leta 2018 je mesto Starkville prepovedalo parado ponosa LGBT. Po odzivu in pravnih ukrepih je mesto dovolilo, da se dogodek zgodi. Potekala je 24. marca 2018 in je bila največja parada v zgodovini mesta, na kateri se je zbralo okoli 3000 ljudi. [59]

Anketa Javnega raziskovalnega inštituta za javno vero (PRRI) iz leta 2017 je pokazala, da je 42% prebivalcev Mississippija podpiralo istospolne poroke, 48% jih je nasprotovalo, 10% pa se je odločilo neodločeno. Mississippi skupaj s sosednjo Alabamo so bile edine ameriške zvezne države, kjer je nasprotovanje istospolnim porokam preseglo podporo (čeprav je bila Alabama edina država, v kateri je absolutna večina temu nasprotovala). [1]

Kljub temu je ista raziskava tudi pokazala, da je 57% podprlo protidiskriminacijski zakon, ki zajema spolno usmerjenost in spolno identiteto, 35% jih je bilo proti. Poleg tega je bilo 52% proti temu, da bi javnim podjetjem zaradi verskih prepričanj zavrnili služenje LGBT osebam, 36% pa jih je podprlo takšne versko zavrnjene zavrnitve. [1]


BREZPLAČNA zgodovina države Mississippi za tiskanje

Mississippi ali država Magnolia, kot so jo imenovali tudi številke#8217, je postala država 10. decembra 1817. Matična država Ida B. Wells, Walter Payton, Ruby Bridges in številni drugi znani ljudje so bili tudi kraj zgodovinske bitke pri Vicksburg. Današnji obiskovalci si pogosto ogledajo južno zgodovino, ko obiščejo številne domove in kraje, ki so ostali iz obdobja državljanske vojne. Oglejte si, kaj se lahko še naučite o zgodovini države Mississippi s tem brezplačnim tiskanjem na 7 straneh, ko ustvarite zemljevid države, kronološko organizirate dogodke in s pisnimi pozivi raziščete več vznemirljive preteklosti države.

Cenimo vašo zasebnost in obljubljamo, da vam nikoli ne bomo pošiljali neželene pošte, na katero se lahko kadar koli odjavite. Oglejte si našo Politika zasebnosti za več informacij o tem, kako obdelujemo vaše podatke.


JUDY WOODRUFF:

Medtem ko so bile ta teden vse oči uprte v Ohio, zdaj gledamo v drugi Cleveland, v delti Mississippija, kjer sta revščina in gospodarska mobilnost slabša kot kjer koli drugje v razvitem svetu.

To poročilo je del naše serije Kako je krog zložen. Financira ga Korporacija za javno radiodifuzijo in sodelovanje ameriške tržnice Public Public Media, PBS "Frontline" in "NewsHour".

Kai Ryssdal iz Marketplace ima zgodbo.

KAI RYSSDAL:

Delta Mississippija je znana po glasbi in juke sklepih, kot je ta, ter po bogati kmetijski zemlji.

Bombaž je bil nekoč glavni pridelek, zdaj večinoma koruza. Kljub temu, kako rodovitna so tu tla, vsako peto gospodinjstvo živi pod pragom revščine, pravzaprav je Mississippi na 50. mestu od 50 držav po stopnji revščine. 68-letna Catherine Wilson je tu živela vse življenje.

CATHERINE WILSON, prebivalka območja Clevelanda:

Takrat, v šestdesetih letih, tako kot smo se morali preseliti od doma do doma, ker nismo imeli dovolj hrane, dovolj denarja za preživetje.

KAI RYSSDAL:

Leta 1964 je predsednik Johnson uvedel zakonodajo za obravnavo nacionalne stopnje revščine, ki je znašala skoraj 20 odstotkov. Postala je znana kot vojna proti revščini. Usposabljanje za delo, izobraževanje odraslih in posojila so bili del načrta.

Aprila 1967 je senator Robert Kennedy obiskal Delto, da bi se sam prepričal, kako huda je revščina.

Torej, leto 1967. To je Bobby Kennedy. In kdo je ta gospa v črtasti obleki? Da. Precej dobro, ha.

CATHERINE WILSON:

KAI RYSSDAL:

To je nasmeh, kajne? Se spomnite tega?

CATHERINE WILSON:

Ja, spomnim se dneva, ko je prišel, v redu.

KAI RYSSDAL:

Kaj je hotel vedeti? O čem te je vprašal?

CATHERINE WILSON:

Vprašanje o tem, kaj želimo videti storjeno. Rekli so, da si želijo službe in stanovanja.

KAI RYSSDAL:

Črnci v Delti so zgodovinsko obdelovali zemljo, vendar sta mehanizacija in pesticidi pomenili manj delovnih mest in manj denarja.

CATHERINE WILSON:

Od takrat smo prišli daleč. Bili smo tako revni in v težavah, da nismo imeli ničesar. A trenutno ima veliko ljudi zaposlitev. Takrat niso mogli dobiti službe.

KAI RYSSDAL:

Catherine Wilson živi sama v kraju Freedom Village, ki je bilo prvotno zgrajeno za namestitev razseljenih kmetijskih delavcev.

Peter Edelman je bil pomočnik Bobbyja Kennedyja. Bil je z njim na potovanju v Delto leta 1967.

PETER EDELMAN, nekdanji pomočnik senatorja Roberta Kennedyja: Ko smo šli od hiše do hiše, mi je rekel, da je to hujše od vsega, kar je kdaj videl v državi tretjega sveta.

KAI RYSSDAL:

Marian Wright je delala v Delti in odpirala pisarne Head Start za pomoč družinam z nizkimi dohodki. Ona je prepričala Kennedyja, da pride v Mississippi.

V tej zgodbi je malo romantike. Marian Wright in Peter Edelman sta se spoznala na tem potovanju v Delto. Poročena sta že skoraj 40 let. Marian Wright Edelman je ustanovila Sklad za zaščito otrok.

Catherine Wilson se je medtem nekaj izobraževala in usposabljala v programih, ki so nastali iz vojne proti revščini. Toda današnje gospodarstvo ni tisto gospodarstvo, ki smo ga imeli pred pol stoletja.

PETER EDELMAN:

V zadnjih 40 letih se je zgodilo, da smo v našem gospodarstvu doživeli velike spremembe. Dobra dela so šla v tehnologijo, v globalizacijo. Posledica tega je, da polovica našega prebivalstva ne zasluži dovolj za preživljanje svojih družin, veliko pa jih sploh ne najde zaposlitve.

KAI RYSSDAL:

Catherine Wilson je imela celo vrsto zaposlitev s krajšim delovnim časom, vendar nikoli ni zaslužila veliko denarja. Preživela je predvsem zaradi državne pomoči. Zdaj je na socialnem varstvu, 22 odstotkov ljudi v Mississippiju se zanaša na bonove za hrano.

Nekatere stvari so se izboljšale. Imamo srednji razred, ki ga ni bilo.

KAI RYSSDAL:

Toda še vedno veliko manjka.

Več kot 80 odstotkov temnopoltih otrok v Mississippiju v 4. ali 8. razredu ne zna brati ali računati na ravni razreda. Kaj bo naredil otrok, če ne zna brati in računati na najbolj osnovnih ravneh?

KAI RYSSDAL:

V Clevelandu te osnovne ravni deloma določa dobesedno na kateri strani tira ste odraščali. Gospodarska mobilnost ali njeno pomanjkanje je očitno. Stopnja brezposelnosti za belce je 6 odstotkov, za Afroameričane je 22 odstotkov.

TRAVIS CALVIN, Mobilni glasbeni laboratorij Delta State University:

Naš cilj s tem projektom je spodbujanje rasnega zdravljenja v naši skupnosti.

KAI RYSSDAL:

Travis Calvin vodi mobilni glasbeni laboratorij Delta State University. To je prenovljen šolski avtobus, opremljen s popolnim snemalnim studijem.

TRAVIS CALVIN:

Odrasel sem v Clarksdaleu v Mississippiju. To je približno 30 milj severno od tukaj. Tako kot Delta je bogata z zgodovino, bogata z bluesom, bogata z glasbeno kulturo, a res slabo mesto glede stopnje kriminala. Prišel sem v državo Delta in to je bil moj izhod. Zato menim, da je moja dolžnost, da to plačam naprej.

KAI RYSSDAL:

Program, ki ga izvaja Travis, se imenuje Healing With a Groove, osredotoča se na barvne mlade moške, fante, kot je 16-letni A'Midius Sigle (ph).

Kakšno bi bilo vaše življenje, če tega ne bi našli?

A’MIDIUS SIGLE, študent:

Nevem. Verjetno bi bil v svetu, v katerem mi ni treba. Veliko mojih prijateljev, na primer, ne počnejo stvari, ki jih ne potrebujejo. Zato se z nekaterimi ne družim.

KAI RYSSDAL:

Mike Carr (ph) je z druge strani tirov. Je javni zagovornik v Clevelandu.

MIKE CARR, prebivalec Clevelanda:

To je bil čudovit kraj za odraščanje, vendar sem zelo privilegiran, prav? Odraščal sem z dvema staršema, ki sta bila srednjega razreda, izobražena, kar me je spodbudilo.

KAI RYSSDAL:

Vsi otroci v tem mestu nimajo istega dogovora. Prav?

Ne, absolutno ne. 70 odstotkov svoje prakse porabim za ljudi, ki so na dnu sodčka, v smislu, da nimajo samo finančno absolutno ničesar, ampak samo čustveno tudi čisto nič.

KAI RYSSDAL:

Po vsej državi se je razlika v bogastvu med belimi in črnimi gospodinjstvi dramatično povečala po veliki recesiji. Po poročilu raziskovalnega centra Pew so bela gospodinjstva 13 -krat višja od črnih družin.

V Clevelandu je povprečni dohodek za črno družino manj kot polovica tistega za belo družino.

JIMMY WILSON, lastnik restavracije:

Do neke mere smo še vedno razdeljeni.

KAI RYSSDAL:

Ali čutite? Ali to čutite vsak dan?

JIMMY WILSON:

O ja. O ja. Ampak o tem ne morete reči ničesar, veste?

KAI RYSSDAL:

Lifelong Cleveland resident Jimmy Wilson has owned this soul food restaurant since 1994, once a meeting spot for civil rights activists and leaders like Martin Luther King Jr.

JIMMY WILSON:

Right during the civil rights movement, all the people that would come into Cleveland would meet here. It was Lily's Cafe back then.

KAI RYSSDAL:

When you look around today, though, at the young people in this town, where do they go when they get out of high school?

JIMMY WILSON:

Most of them is in the streets. They don't go anywhere. They into drug business, because there's no jobs here. And because there is no jobs, the education standard is not where it needs to be to entice companies to want to come here.

KAI RYSSDAL:

So, Bobby Kennedy comes here in 1967, right, almost 50 years ago.

JIMMY WILSON:

KAI RYSSDAL:

JIMMY WILSON:

KAI RYSSDAL:

Catherine Wilson is more optimistic. She'd like to see freedom village become a place to help those in need.


Unwanted Sterilization and Eugenics Programs in the United States

Coerced sterilization is a shameful part of America’s history, and one doesn’t have to go too far back to find examples of it. Used as a means of controlling “undesirable” populations – immigrants, people of color, poor people, unmarried mothers, the disabled, the mentally ill – federally-funded sterilization programs took place in 32 states throughout the 20th century. Driven by prejudiced notions of science and social control, these programs informed policies on immigration and segregation.

As historian William Deverell explains in a piece discussing the “Asexualization Acts” that led to the sterilization of more than 20,000 California men and women, “If you are sterilizing someone, you are saying, if not to them directly, ‘Your possible progeny are inassimilable, and we choose not to deal with that.’”

According to Andrea Estrada at UC Santa Barbara , forced sterilization was particularly rampant in California (the state’s eugenics program even inspired the Nazis ):

Beginning in 1909 and continuing for 70 years, California led the country in the number of sterilization procedures performed on men and women, often without their full knowledge and consent. Approximately 20,000 sterilizations took place in state institutions, comprising one-third of the total number performed in the 32 states where such action was legal. (od The UC Santa Barbara Current)

“There is today one state,” wrote Hitler, “in which at least weak beginnings toward a better conception [of citizenship] are noticeable. Of course, it is not our model German Republic, but the United States.” (od The L.A. Times)

Researcher Alex Stern, author of the new book Eugenic Nation: Faults and Frontiers of Better Breeding in America, adds:

“In the early 20th century across the country, medical superintendents, legislators, and social reformers affiliated with an emerging eugenics movement joined forces to put sterilization laws on the books. Such legislation was motivated by crude theories of human heredity that posited the wholesale inheritance of traits associated with a panoply of feared conditions such as criminality, feeblemindedness, and sexual deviance. Many sterilization advocates viewed reproductive surgery as a necessary public health intervention that would protect society from deleterious genes and the social and economic costs of managing ‘degenerate stock’.”

Eugenics was a commonly accepted means of protecting society from the offspring (and therefore equally suspect) of those individuals deemed inferior or dangerous – the poor, the disabled, the mentally ill, criminals, and people of color.

Eugenical Sterilization Map of the United States, 1935 from The Harry H. Laughlin Papers, Truman State University

More recently, California prisons are said to have authorized sterilizations of nearly 150 female inmates between 2006 and 2010 . This article from the Center for Investigative reporting reveals how the state paid doctors $147,460 to perform tubal ligations that former inmates say were done under coercion.

But California is far from being the only state with such troubled practices. For a disturbing history lesson, check out this comprehensive database for your state’s eugenics history. You can find out more information on state-by-state sterilization policies, the number of victims, institutions where sterilizations were performed, and leading opponents and proponents .

While California’s eugenics programs were driven in part by anti-Asian and anti-Mexican prejudice, Southern states also employed sterilization as a means of controlling African American populations. “Mississippi appendectomies” was another name for unnecessary hysterectomies performed at teaching hospitals in the South on women of color as practice for medical students. This NBC news article discusses North Carolina’s eugenics program, including stories from victims of forced sterilization like Elaine Riddick . A third of the sterilizations were done on girls under 18, even as young as 9. The state also targeted individuals seen as “delinquent” or “unwholesome.”

For a closer look, see Belle Bogg’s “ For the Public Good ,” with original video by Olympia Stone that features Willis Lynch, who was sterilized at the age of 14 while living in a North Carolina juvenile detention facility.

Gregory W. Rutecki, MD writes about the forced sterilization of Native Americans , which persisted into the 1970s and 1980s, with examples of young women receiving tubal ligations when they were getting appendectomies. It’s estimated that as many as 25-50 percent of Native American women were sterilized between 1970 and 1976. Forced sterilization programs are also a part of history in Puerto Rico, where sterilization rates are said to be the highest in the world .

Film No Más Bebés follows the story of Mexican American women who were sterilized under duress while giving birth at Los Angeles County-USC Medical Center in the 1960s and 1970s. Madrigal v. Quilligan , the case portrayed in the film, is one of several landmark cases that’s affected the reproductive rights of underserved populations, for better or for worse.

Here are some other important cases:

Buck proti Bellu : In 1927, Carrie Buck, a poor white woman, was the first person to be sterilized in Virginia under a new law. Carrie’s mother had been involuntarily institutionalized for being “feebleminded” and “promiscuous.” Carrie was assumed to have inherited these traits, and was sterilized after giving birth. This Supreme Court case led to the sterilization of 65,000 Americans with mental illness or developmental disabilities from the 1920s to the 󈨊s. (Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes wrote in reference to Carrie: “Three generations of imbeciles are enough.”) The court ruling still stands today . [Note: This story was also the subject of a 1994 made-for-TV movie starring Marlee Matlin.]

Excerpt from the documentary Fixed to Fail: Buck vs. Bell:

Relf v. Weinberger : Mary Alice and Minnie Relf, poor African American sisters from Alabama, were sterilized at the ages of 14 and 12. Their mother, who was illiterate, had signed an “X” on a piece of paper she believed gave permission for her daughters, who were both mentally disabled, to receive birth control shots. In 1974, the Southern Poverty Law Center filed a lawsuit on behalf of the Relf sisters, revealing that 100,000 to 150,000 poor people were being sterilized each year under federally-funded programs.

Reproductive Justice Today

Anti-sterilization abuse protest photo by Alva Nelms

While the case in No Más Bebés occurred forty years ago, issues of reproductive justice are still relevant today, as state laws continue to restrict access to abortion and birth control. Deborah Reid of the National Health Law program writes :

“T he concept of reproductive justice , which is firmly rooted in a human rights framework that supports the ability of all women to make and direct their own reproductive decisions. These decisions could include obtaining contraception, abortion, sterilization, and/or maternity care. Accompanying that right is the obligation of the government and larger society to create laws, policies, and systems conducive to supporting those decisions.”

For organizations such as the National Latina Institute for Reproductive Health , reproductive justice involves not only access to affordable birth control, abortion, and health care, but also providing access to women who are being held in immigration detention centers .

It’s work that connects the dots between power inequities and bodily self-determination – something the eugenics movement sought to limit. As No Más Bebés director Renee Tajima-Peña says in an interview with Colorlines : “The reproductive justice framework is to make sure that people listen to the needs and the voices of poor women, women of color and immigrant women who’ve been marginalized.”

Popular Science magazine, 1923.

2020 Updates:

The documentary Belly of the Beast tackles a more recent, equally shocking story of forced sterilizations — in this case in women’s prisons. As the women who investigate these cases discover, despite it being nearly forty years after being banned— forced sterilization continued for decades in women’s prisons, shielded by prison officials and doctors inside the correctional system. And may even still be happening. Read the interview with Belly of the Beast filmmaker Erika Cohn to learn more.

And as Cohn references in that interview, 2020 saw the revelation that there were forced sterilizations performed in an ICE detention center in Georgia. Learn more in this NPR piece, “ICE, A Whistleblower and Forced Sterilization.”


What you need to know about the largest Ponzi scheme in Mississippi history

Michigan Attorney General Bill Schuette's office offers tips on how to avoid investment fraud.

Arthur Lamar Adams, left, leaves federal court in Jackson, Miss., on May 9, 2018, after pleading guilty to one count of wire fraud. (Photo: Jeff Amy, AP)

Arthur Lamar Adams was sentenced to almost 20 years in prison Tuesday for operating the largest Ponzi scheme in Mississippi's history.

Now that he has been sentenced, here are some answers to your questions about the case:

How much money was involved in the Ponzi scheme from April 1, 2017, to March 30?

There was $164.5 million invested in the company. About $79.577 million was paid out to investors. There was a loss of about $85 million in investors' money, according to the federal government.

How much money flowed through Adams' personal bank accounts in the last year of his company?

According to federal officials, the amount was $9 million.

When will Adams report to prison?

Jan. 7. He asked to be sent to the Yazoo federal prison or a prison as close to Mississippi as possible, but that is a decision left to the Bureau of Prisons.

Will others likely face charges?

It's unknown at this time. Adams told the FBI he was the only person who knew his business was a Ponzi scheme.

Adams and his attorneys say he has been cooperating with authorities since his Ponzi scheme came tumbling down in April.

Adams signed a plea agreement, but there isn't anything in the plea agreement about him testifying against any other defendant or defendants, which is typical in most plea agreements when other defendants will be charged.

Will there be restitution?

Da. The amount will be decided later, Assistant U.S. Attorney Dave Fulcher said. U.S. District Judge Carlton Reeves appointed New Orleans attorney Alysson Mills as the receiver to try to recover as much money for victims as possible.

Adams said he is now penniless after agreeing to forfeit all assets to the government.

Mills has determined that Adams had assets of about $2 million in personal and company bank accounts. All of his assets were frozen by a court order.

Adams also had a lot of other property, including a Jackson home purchased in 2011 for $364,000 and a condo in Oxford purchased for $135,000 in 2013. He also had interests in other property through companies he was a part of.

Mills has issued notices to recruiters paid to entice investors for Adams' company that she plans to take legal action if they don't return money to defrauded investors.

On Oct. 1, Mills filed a lawsuit against Michael D. Billings and MDB Group LLC Terry Wayne Kelly Jr. and Kelly Management LLC and William B. McHenry Jr. and First South Investments LLC.

The complaint alleges the defendants identified new investors for Adams' company, Madison Timber Properties. For each investment made by an investor recruited, each received a cut of the investor’s payment, amounting to more than $16 million in commissions. Mills negotiated a settlement with Kelly, but not Billings and McHenry. Mills has also asked other organizations to return money received from Adams.

Will there be other lawsuits?

Likely. One lawsuit by an investor has been filed in Madison County Circuit Court. Some other investors have an attorney working on their behalf, and he said a lawsuit will likely be filed on behalf of his clients.

How long was Adams' company, Madison Timber Properties, in operation?

Since 2007. It was shut down in April.

Did some investors make money?

Yes, some made money. However, the Ponzi scheme operated on getting new investors so older investors could be paid. The entire company was a sham.

How did the Ponzi scheme work?

Prosecutors say Adams' company claimed to buy timber rights from landowners and then sold the rights for higher prices to lumber mills. The investors provided their money for loans to purchase the timber rights. Adams entered into contracts with investors, promising a 12 to 13 percent return over roughly a year.

But federal prosecutors and regulators say it was all a lie and nothing more than a Ponzi scheme. Adams created false timber deeds and asked investors not to file their timber deeds unless his company defaulted on the loan agreement by failing to make a payment.

Who were some of the investors?

The roughly 300 investors were from all walks of life including millionaires a Hollywood producer a California-based foundation a retired Belk's corporate employee in North Carolina U.S. Sen. Roger Wicker and his wife Eric Orth, a disabled veteran a 96 year-old-man and his 76-year-old wife and a doctor.

Could investors who made money have to pay it back?

Possibly. Fulcher said it's possible that some investors could be subjected to a clawback provision if they made money beyond what they invested.

However, Adams' attorney, John Colette, said he doesn't believe any investor will have to pay back any money.

How does Adams' Ponzi scheme compare to other Ponzi schemes in Mississippi?

In 2016, a federal judge sentenced Gina Palasini to 6½ years for her role in a Ponzi scheme that bilked investors out of more than $2 million. She also had state charges and convictions.

In 2005, Greenville businessman George W. "Bill" Hood Jr. was sentenced to spend almost six years in a federal prison for his role in bilking 19 investors of nearly $2.5 million in a scam to import blue crabs and other seafood into the United States. Codefendant Robert Picou was sentenced to 37 months in prison.

In 2004, Jackson securities dealer Victor G. Nance was sentenced to 10 years in prison for his role in a scheme to defraud 41 investors out of $10.2 million.


What you need to know about the largest Ponzi scheme in Mississippi history

Michigan Attorney General Bill Schuette's office offers tips on how to avoid investment fraud.

Arthur Lamar Adams, left, leaves federal court in Jackson, Miss., on May 9, 2018, after pleading guilty to one count of wire fraud. (Photo: Jeff Amy, AP)

Arthur Lamar Adams was sentenced to almost 20 years in prison Tuesday for operating the largest Ponzi scheme in Mississippi's history.

Now that he has been sentenced, here are some answers to your questions about the case:

How much money was involved in the Ponzi scheme from April 1, 2017, to March 30?

There was $164.5 million invested in the company. About $79.577 million was paid out to investors. There was a loss of about $85 million in investors' money, according to the federal government.

How much money flowed through Adams' personal bank accounts in the last year of his company?

According to federal officials, the amount was $9 million.

When will Adams report to prison?

Jan. 7. He asked to be sent to the Yazoo federal prison or a prison as close to Mississippi as possible, but that is a decision left to the Bureau of Prisons.

Will others likely face charges?

It's unknown at this time. Adams told the FBI he was the only person who knew his business was a Ponzi scheme.

Adams and his attorneys say he has been cooperating with authorities since his Ponzi scheme came tumbling down in April.

Adams signed a plea agreement, but there isn't anything in the plea agreement about him testifying against any other defendant or defendants, which is typical in most plea agreements when other defendants will be charged.

Will there be restitution?

Da. The amount will be decided later, Assistant U.S. Attorney Dave Fulcher said. U.S. District Judge Carlton Reeves appointed New Orleans attorney Alysson Mills as the receiver to try to recover as much money for victims as possible.

Adams said he is now penniless after agreeing to forfeit all assets to the government.

Mills has determined that Adams had assets of about $2 million in personal and company bank accounts. All of his assets were frozen by a court order.

Adams also had a lot of other property, including a Jackson home purchased in 2011 for $364,000 and a condo in Oxford purchased for $135,000 in 2013. He also had interests in other property through companies he was a part of.

Mills has issued notices to recruiters paid to entice investors for Adams' company that she plans to take legal action if they don't return money to defrauded investors.

On Oct. 1, Mills filed a lawsuit against Michael D. Billings and MDB Group LLC Terry Wayne Kelly Jr. and Kelly Management LLC and William B. McHenry Jr. and First South Investments LLC.

The complaint alleges the defendants identified new investors for Adams' company, Madison Timber Properties. For each investment made by an investor recruited, each received a cut of the investor’s payment, amounting to more than $16 million in commissions. Mills negotiated a settlement with Kelly, but not Billings and McHenry. Mills has also asked other organizations to return money received from Adams.

Will there be other lawsuits?

Likely. One lawsuit by an investor has been filed in Madison County Circuit Court. Some other investors have an attorney working on their behalf, and he said a lawsuit will likely be filed on behalf of his clients.

How long was Adams' company, Madison Timber Properties, in operation?

Since 2007. It was shut down in April.

Did some investors make money?

Yes, some made money. However, the Ponzi scheme operated on getting new investors so older investors could be paid. The entire company was a sham.

How did the Ponzi scheme work?

Prosecutors say Adams' company claimed to buy timber rights from landowners and then sold the rights for higher prices to lumber mills. The investors provided their money for loans to purchase the timber rights. Adams entered into contracts with investors, promising a 12 to 13 percent return over roughly a year.

But federal prosecutors and regulators say it was all a lie and nothing more than a Ponzi scheme. Adams created false timber deeds and asked investors not to file their timber deeds unless his company defaulted on the loan agreement by failing to make a payment.

Who were some of the investors?

The roughly 300 investors were from all walks of life including millionaires a Hollywood producer a California-based foundation a retired Belk's corporate employee in North Carolina U.S. Sen. Roger Wicker and his wife Eric Orth, a disabled veteran a 96 year-old-man and his 76-year-old wife and a doctor.

Could investors who made money have to pay it back?

Possibly. Fulcher said it's possible that some investors could be subjected to a clawback provision if they made money beyond what they invested.

However, Adams' attorney, John Colette, said he doesn't believe any investor will have to pay back any money.

How does Adams' Ponzi scheme compare to other Ponzi schemes in Mississippi?

In 2016, a federal judge sentenced Gina Palasini to 6½ years for her role in a Ponzi scheme that bilked investors out of more than $2 million. She also had state charges and convictions.

In 2005, Greenville businessman George W. "Bill" Hood Jr. was sentenced to spend almost six years in a federal prison for his role in bilking 19 investors of nearly $2.5 million in a scam to import blue crabs and other seafood into the United States. Codefendant Robert Picou was sentenced to 37 months in prison.

In 2004, Jackson securities dealer Victor G. Nance was sentenced to 10 years in prison for his role in a scheme to defraud 41 investors out of $10.2 million.


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